* Pedro Chaves
still grieving the brutal figures leaving the crisis, including unemployment. An economic disaster, social and political. But the same grief makes us wonder about the brutal gap between the amount of bad news and weak responses. How can you not draw out more expressive and organized the discomfort? How to explain unusual figures of economic collapse and social consequences, is to be coping as if nothing happened? Naturally, there is fear and insecurity. And we know that uncertainty paralyze societies, more submissive and obedient to power. This is the miracle political fear. But to paraphrase John Berger, we need resources to turn the bad news in truth. We need to rebuild the mediations that make legible this time and offer, then some alternatives.
The deeper explanation for these disturbing questions, referring to the unprecedented ability to hegemony that has demonstrated the neocon thinking during these decades. Partnerships have been reformatted in a culturally paradigm that has put the market in the center of the solutions. But as the market's ability to love is very limited narrative has constructed an imaginary liberal seductive about a very powerful concept: freedom. This perverse association between freedom and the market has depoliticized and individualized manner and conflicts so that they are now codified in strictly individual terms. That public education is wrong: I go to the concert. That public health bothers me (too many immigrants, old, girls and poor), I'm going to private. Life turned into a series of novel and intense experiences after passing through the box office.
The identification of conflicts, its depoliticization, has been one of the main resources for the dismantling of the political-institutional debtor of the welfare state. In this way, social organizations and leftist political parties have been singularly. Above all, have lost much of that capacity to represent the bottom and they gave meaning and historical perspective.
would have reasons for discouragement, of course. But there are good and strong reasons to believe in the viability of alternatives. The existence of experiences and conditions to make the bad news, truth conditions to be represented politically.
Last January (the feast of kings) Patio Maravillas cleared the same day and reopened in another location, it seems, once again, the response has been limited, but this time the significance has been somewhat greater than the imagined. Madrid has looked with favor experience highlighting the existence of a searing contradiction to the powers, why police eviction is better to preserve a well sought after for their speculative value to maintain and sustain an experience of self that had become a dunghill at a cultural center? And the sympathy has been higher because the capacity of initiative that experience was being done on the basis of cooperation, solidarity and voluntary work.
Like other experiences in the country, this tough and alternative social space highlights the potential of networking, cooperation based on voluntarism and solidarity and is capable of redeeming social energies that otherwise would be subordinated to the market.
Compared to other modes, the interesting thing about this experience is that a subculture of protest can not be phagocytosed by the subculture of power. What happened with this evacuation and response, as happened with Greenpeace activists arrested in Denmark, shows that the cracks apparent, once, immaculate wall of power presents. But evidence also the limitations of a left scurfy, bloated and institutionalized to understand these and other signs and trying to grow and rebuild in those areas.
There are many rebellious energy that remains in the social and having different degrees of visibility, coordination and maturity. Not everything is clean and pristine, clear, but, without doubt, the laboratories of innovation and change in the alternative space are now much more in the social left in politics.
Yet left requires an evocative, subtle and sexy to promote and encourage the articulation of all these spaces in a new logic of relations between the social and political. We must move from subordination and representation spaces flexible cooperation and mutual learning. On this trip the same way the party should be reinvented, rebuilt, not just reinterpreted.
In short, we need to move from the leniency program to scenarios of strong proposals with attractiveness, well-informed and credible. We need a new narrative to dispute the word liberal thinking and freedom endowed with new meaning in this logic of solidarity through which the political conflict. Not be amiss, perhaps, to revisit the state, institutions and restore public sphere worthy of the name. Finally, a process or processes of this magnitude generate new leadership and new ways of representing such diversity and richness of spaces and experiences.
The alternative left to the need to reinvent lives, it matters little as calls this process. And at this juncture in the perplexity the greatest risk is precisely not a risk. It is time to look generous and some other high of view. We'll see.
The deeper explanation for these disturbing questions, referring to the unprecedented ability to hegemony that has demonstrated the neocon thinking during these decades. Partnerships have been reformatted in a culturally paradigm that has put the market in the center of the solutions. But as the market's ability to love is very limited narrative has constructed an imaginary liberal seductive about a very powerful concept: freedom. This perverse association between freedom and the market has depoliticized and individualized manner and conflicts so that they are now codified in strictly individual terms. That public education is wrong: I go to the concert. That public health bothers me (too many immigrants, old, girls and poor), I'm going to private. Life turned into a series of novel and intense experiences after passing through the box office.
The identification of conflicts, its depoliticization, has been one of the main resources for the dismantling of the political-institutional debtor of the welfare state. In this way, social organizations and leftist political parties have been singularly. Above all, have lost much of that capacity to represent the bottom and they gave meaning and historical perspective.
would have reasons for discouragement, of course. But there are good and strong reasons to believe in the viability of alternatives. The existence of experiences and conditions to make the bad news, truth conditions to be represented politically.
Last January (the feast of kings) Patio Maravillas cleared the same day and reopened in another location, it seems, once again, the response has been limited, but this time the significance has been somewhat greater than the imagined. Madrid has looked with favor experience highlighting the existence of a searing contradiction to the powers, why police eviction is better to preserve a well sought after for their speculative value to maintain and sustain an experience of self that had become a dunghill at a cultural center? And the sympathy has been higher because the capacity of initiative that experience was being done on the basis of cooperation, solidarity and voluntary work.
Like other experiences in the country, this tough and alternative social space highlights the potential of networking, cooperation based on voluntarism and solidarity and is capable of redeeming social energies that otherwise would be subordinated to the market.
Compared to other modes, the interesting thing about this experience is that a subculture of protest can not be phagocytosed by the subculture of power. What happened with this evacuation and response, as happened with Greenpeace activists arrested in Denmark, shows that the cracks apparent, once, immaculate wall of power presents. But evidence also the limitations of a left scurfy, bloated and institutionalized to understand these and other signs and trying to grow and rebuild in those areas.
There are many rebellious energy that remains in the social and having different degrees of visibility, coordination and maturity. Not everything is clean and pristine, clear, but, without doubt, the laboratories of innovation and change in the alternative space are now much more in the social left in politics.
Yet left requires an evocative, subtle and sexy to promote and encourage the articulation of all these spaces in a new logic of relations between the social and political. We must move from subordination and representation spaces flexible cooperation and mutual learning. On this trip the same way the party should be reinvented, rebuilt, not just reinterpreted.
In short, we need to move from the leniency program to scenarios of strong proposals with attractiveness, well-informed and credible. We need a new narrative to dispute the word liberal thinking and freedom endowed with new meaning in this logic of solidarity through which the political conflict. Not be amiss, perhaps, to revisit the state, institutions and restore public sphere worthy of the name. Finally, a process or processes of this magnitude generate new leadership and new ways of representing such diversity and richness of spaces and experiences.
The alternative left to the need to reinvent lives, it matters little as calls this process. And at this juncture in the perplexity the greatest risk is precisely not a risk. It is time to look generous and some other high of view. We'll see.
* Giraldo Pedro Chaves is Professor of Political Science at the University Carlos III of Madrid. This article has been published in SINPERMISO
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